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In order to present an overall view of the development of Hegel's political thinking the author has drawn on Hegel's philosophical works, his political tracts and his personal correspondence.

This study examines the Law Reports of Sir John Davies and litigation pleaded before the central Irish courts during the period in which Davies served in Ireland as solicitor-general (1603-6) and attorney-general (1606-19). The author's main concern is to explicate the legal and jurisprudential issues involved and to draw out their deeper political implications. He argues that, in the absence of a malleable parliament, judge-made law became the instrument by which the Jacobean regime consolidated the Tudor conquest. The book also touches on the influence of the implementation of the law on the Irish coinage, Gaelic tenurial customs and religious conformity. More controversial themes include the origins of precedent in the Anglo-American legal tradition, the use of continental civil law in common law litigation and the relationship of early modern Ireland to the development of an imperial jurisprudence.

This study is an exercise in the history of political perception and opinion.

This book is a complete translation of Marx's critical commentary on paragraphs 261-313 of Hegel's major work in political theory. In this text Marx subjects Hegel's doctrine on the internal constitution of the state to a lengthy analysis. It was Marx's first attempt to expose and criticize Hegel's philosophy in general and his political philosophy in particular.

The intricate collation of the variorum Latin readings by Professor Giesey here demonstrates that nearly half the complete work consists of material added by Hotman to later editions in such a manner as substantially to modify the argument and balance of the original Francogallia. This definitive Latin edition contains a facing English translation by Professor Salmon.

First published in 1980, this essay on the Frankfurt School deals with one of the most important threads in the story of cultural migration from Europe which began in the 1930s. The purpose of this book is to convey an overall sense of the continuities and discontinuities in the concerns of the school's core members over two generations.

When Lloyd George became Prime Minister during the First World War he appointed a private secretariat to help him run the complex machinery of wartime government.

This book, first published in 1969, is widely regarded as one of the best studies of Rousseau's thought in any language. In it, Professor Shklar examines Rousseau's central concern: given that modern civilisation is intolerable and a return to the state of nature impossible, how is man to arrange his existence in society?

This book explores the relationship between Calvin's thought about civil and ecclesiastical order and his own circumstances and activities.

Professor Franklin here explains a major innovation associated with the English Civil Wars. It was only now, he shows, that there finally emerged a theory of sovereignity and resistance that was fully compatible with a mixed constitution.

This book analyses the origins of modern party politics in America. Dr Zvesper argues that the partisan conflict between Federalists and Republicans in the 1790s was not merely an interesting historical sequel to the American Revolution and the framing of the Constitution, but was a confrontation of two of the fundamental alternatives of modern political philosophy.

The St Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572 polarised French constitutional ideas. Appearing on one side was a radicalised version of the French constitution. On the other side was the theory of royal absolutism systematically developed by Bodin. The central thesis of this book is that Bodin's absolutism was as unprecedented as the doctrine it opposed.

Dr Holmes concentrates on the two principal dilemmas which faced Catholics: whether they should remain loyal to the Queen or might resist her government. He sees the Catholic response to both these problems as being an interplay between the desire to resist and the need to find compromise with the political and religious status quo.

Hume's satirical allegory recounts the relations between England (John Bull of Bull-hall) and Scotland (Sister Peg of Thistledown) from earliest times until April 1760 when a bill to extend the militia to Scotland was defeated in parliament due to the opposition of the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Hardwicke and Pitt.

This book is about the grounds of ethical life, or the nature and basis of our ethical obligations. Charvet considers the ideas of the freedom and equality of men and shows that there is a radical incoherence underlying them which consists in the failure to integrate in a coherent way the particular and the moral or communal dimensions of individual life.

Describes the relationship between British party politics and the conduct of British foreign policy between 1933 and 1940.

The concluding volume of Maurice Cowling's magisterial sequence examines three related strands of thought - latitudinarianism, the Christian thought which has assumed that latitudinarianism gives away too much, and the post-Christian thought which has assumed that Christianity is irrelevant or anachronistic.

First published in 1977, this book offers an analysis of one of the most complex and difficult periods in British politics. The author discusses the basic principles under which politicians operated, whether Whig or Tory, during the "post-Revolution" period.

Most accounts of Bentham treat him as a prophet of either utilitarianism or of liberal democracy. This book discusses a less familiar but very important aspect of his political thought: his theory of how government institutions should be organised in order to function as efficient and yet responsive guardians of the community's interests.

In this book Dr Clark provides the key component for such a new synthesis by a detailed exposition of the crisis of the 1750s, which was instrumental in the destruction of the party system and the emergence of new practices in the multi-factional world.

In this volume Maurice Cowling makes a further contribution to understanding the role which Christianity has played in modern English thought, showing the intimacy of the connections between the political, philosophical, literary and religious assumptions that are to be found among the leaders of the English intelligentsia.

In this volume Maurice Cowling makes a further contribution to understanding the role which Christianity has played in modern English thought, showing the intimacy of the connections between the political, philosophical, literary and religious assumptions that are to be found among the leaders of the English intelligentsia.

At the time of the Dreyfus Affair and the start of the Action Francaise, Charles Maurras pressed forward the idea, borrowed from Auguste Comte, of an alliance between Positivists and Catholics. This study of Maurrassian ideology and Catholic reactions to it explores a wide range of themes.

This book relates the political history of mid-nineteenth-century Britain to the assumptions which then prevailed about the abstract moral purposes of political activity. A great number of mid-Victorian writers and politicians expressed far-reaching hopes for the future development of British society, indeed for its regeneration; and such hopes were inspired by their religious outlook.

An English translation of Hegel's introduction to his lectures on the philosophy of history, based directly on the standard German edition by Johannes Hoffmeister, first published in 1955. The previous English translation, by J. Sibree, first appeared in 1857 and was based on the defective German edition of Karl Hegel, to which Hoffmeister's edition added a large amount of new material previously unknown to English readers, derived from earlier editors. In the introduction to his lectures, Hegel lays down the principles and aims which underlie his philosophy of history, and provides an outline of the philosophy of history itself. The comprehensive and voluminous survey of world history which followed the introduction in the original lectures is of less interest to students of Hegel's thought than the introduction, and is therefore not included in this volume.

This text is important both as one of the most interesting contributions to the liberalism of the German Enlightenment, and as the most significant source for the ideas which John Stuart Mill popularized in his essay On Liberty. Humboldt's concern is to define the criteria by which the permissible limits of the state's activities may be determined. His basic principle, like that of Mill, is that the only justification for government interference is the prevention of harm to others. He discusses in detail the role and limits of the state's responsibility for the welfare, security and morals of its citizens. Humboldt's special achievement in this work is to enlarge our sense of what a liberal political theory might be by his particularly sensitive grasp of the complexity of our attitudes to and our need of other people. Dr Burrow has based his translation on Coulthard's version of 1854. In an important introduction, he provides a most perceptive as well as scholarly guide to Humboldt's political thought.

This essay in interpretation seeks to provide a more historical reading of certain political themes which recur in Smith's writings.

Ever since the discovery of Marx's Early Writings, most of the literature concerned with Marx's intellectual development has centered around the so-called gap between the 'young' Marx who was considered to be humanist thinker, and the 'older' Marx, who was held to be a determinist with little concern for anything outside his narrow theory of historical materialism.

R. J. White's 1967 edition made Fitzjames Stephen's classic available for the first time since 1914. Stephen's work is written as a systematic denunciation of John Stuart Mill's political thought. It is thus of great importance in the history of Utilitarianism, and as the most forthright of the Victorian attacks on democracy.

Professor Meek traces the prehistory of the four stages theory, an eighteenth-century theory of socio-economic development, from its emergence with French and Scottish Enlightenment thinkers to its modification by critics and revisionists. He argues the theory was shaped by literature about savage societies, especially American Indian.