Bøger i Contemporary Issues in the Mid serien

Between the late 1970s and the early 1980s, Nayra Atiya gathered the oral histories of five Egyptian men: a fisherman, an attorney, a scholar, a business- man, and a production manager. Through personal interviews over the course of several years, Atiya intimately captured the everyday triumphs and struggles of these young men in a rapidly changing Egyptian society. These tender stories of childhood experiences in the rural countryside, of the rigors of schooling, and of the many challenges in navigating adulthood shed light on both the rich diversity of Egyptian society and the values and traditions that are shared by all Egyptians. The concept of shahaama--a code of honor that demands loyalty, generosity, and a readiness to help others--is threaded throughout the narratives, reflecting its deeply rooted presence in Egyptian culture. Moving beyond leaden stereotypes of the oppressive Middle Eastern male, these candid self-portraits reveal the complexity of male identity in contemporary Egyptian society, highlighting the men's desires for economically viable lives, the same desires that fuel the many Egyptians today working toward revolutionary change.

"Zencirci introduces the concept of the Muslim Social, defined as a welfare regime that reimagined and reconfigured Islamic charitable practices to address the complex needs of a modern market society. Although these governmental assemblages of Islamic neoliberalism produced new forms of generosity, distinctive notions of poverty, and novel ways of relating to others in society, Zencirci reveals how this welfare regime privileged managerial efficiency and emotional well-being at the expense of other objectives such as equality, development, or justice"--

A thorough analysis of the economic development of Palestine during the first years of British mandatory rule and, in particular, of the British government's preferential policy regarding Jewish settlement and enterprise sets the tone for this groundbreaking study. Using a wealth of previously unpublished documentation, the author proves that British mandatory policy provided the perfect environment for the growth of a largest and more homogeneous Zionist enclave, which in turn led to the inevitable split in Palestine's economy.

A collection of essays by area specialists and conflict resolution scholars exploring the vital role of mediation in the Arab world.

"The book's central argument demystifies the many faces of the myth of "cultural exceptionalism" in the context of contemporary social movements in the MENA region"--

Since the late 1970s the Red Sea has become extremely important both in international politics and in regional affairs. This new situation has come about because of the growing Soviet presence in the Horn of Africa and Saudi efforts to have the Red Sea treated as an 'Arab Lake'. This book examines the development of the Red Sea as a significant problem in superpower relations and assesses its relative importance in the context of other conflicts in the Gulf and elsewhere in the Third World. The book analyses Soviet interests in the Red Sea area and examines its record in seeking to intervene in the domestic politics of the region. The book also discusses the degree of regional stability in the Red Sea both in terms of inter-Arab relations and Afro-Arab regulations. This issue is considered against the background of the security of the Nile Valley. In conclusion the book argues that Saudi Arabia's regional policies aimed at enhancing internal andexternal security have proved destabilizing and in a wav even adventurous. By fermenting Somali national ism Saudi Arabia hoped to push the Soviets out of the Red Sea. In fact this policy reinforced the Soviet presence in the Horn of Africa. Similarly Saudi Arabia's regular interference in the domestic affairs of North Yemen may well prove extremely counter-productive. The book argues that the West's preoccupation with the region would lessen considerably if Saudi Arabia and Egypt would promote policies of co-operation, rather than destabilizationat both inter-Arab and Afro-Arab levels.

During the postwar period of 1948-56, over 400,000 Jews from the Middle East and Asia immigrated to the newly established state of Israel. By the end of the 1950s, Mizrahim, also known as Oriental Jewry, represented the ethnic majority of the Israeli Jewish population. Despite their large numbers, Mizrahim were considered outsiders because of their non-European origins. Viewed as foreigners who came from culturally backward and distant lands, they suffered decades of socioeconomic, political, and educational injustices.In this pioneering work, Roby traces the Mizrahi population's struggle for equality and civil rights in Israel. Although the daily "bread and work" demonstrations are considered the first political expression of the Mizrahim, Roby demonstrates the myriad ways in which they agitated for change. Drawing upon a wealth of archival sources, many only recently declassified, Roby details the activities of the highly ideological and politicized young Israel. Police reports, court transcripts, and protester accounts document a diverse range of resistance tactics, including sit-ins, tent protests, and hunger strikes. Roby shows how the Mizrahi intellectuals and activists in the 1960s began to take note of the American civil rights movement, gaining inspiration from its development and drawing parallels between their experience and that of other marginalized ethnic groups. The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion shines a light on a largely forgotten part of Israeli social history, one that profoundly shaped the way Jews from African and Asian countries engaged with the newly founded state of Israel.

Traces the life of an Iranian dissident writer who spent much of his life in exile or prison, and includes interviews and short stories written while imprisoned by Reza Shah.

In the five years that Judith Caesar taught literature in Saudi Arabia and Egypt during the 1980s, key events took place that changed the face of Middle Eastern politics. Seen through the eyes of many Westerners, the assassination of Anwar Sadat, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, and the Intifada were incidents reflective of a seemingly volatile and aggressive culture. But Caesar saw these events from another perspective. Part memoir and part travelogue, Crossing Borders conveys simply and eloquently the voices of the people and the cultures Caesar came to know during her time in the Arab world. Some of her writings in this book have first appeared in publications such as the Christian Science Monitor. In the tradition of the best writings on foreign places, Caesar's narrative is both an inward as well as an outward journey of discovery. In addition to the political reverberations taking place around her, she writes of the misconceptions generated by both the Saudi and the American press. In "All the News That's Fit to Print", Caesar notes wildly disparate interpretations of news stories when they are translated from one language to another. Caesar also demonstrates an openness in discovering the meaning inherent in the simplest daily tasks. She focuses on what is politically significant in what people do every day, such as drinking tea, shopping, and teaching.Crossing Borders will appeal to people interested in a non-dogmatic description of the Middle East, and to those who love good travel writing.

Over half a billion women live in the Muslim world. Despite the rich complexity of their social, cultural, and ethnic differences, they are often portrayed in monolithic terms. Such stereotyping, fueled by the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism, has proved detrimental to Muslim women in their campaign for human rights. This book is the first detailed study to emphasize Muslim women's rights as human rights and to explore the existing patriarchal structures and processes that present women's human rights as contradictory to Islam. Academics and activists, most of whom live in the Muslim world, discuss the major issues facing women of the region as they enter the twenty-first century. They demonstrate how the cultural segregation of women, contradictory and conflicting legal codes, and the monopoly on the interpretation of religious texts held by a select group of male theologians, have resulted in domestic and political violence against women and the suppression of their rights. The contributors focus on ways and means of empowering Muslim women to participate in the general socialization process as well as in implementing and evaluating public policy.

Since receiving the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1988, Naguib Mahfouz has gone from regional fame to global recognition. In this volume, scholars of Arabic language and literature show how Mahfouz's work transcends life in the ancient alleys of Cairo and speaks to peoples in all cultures.

This challenging new book examines Middle East developments from three different levels--extraregional forces (the United States, the Soviet Union, and Western Europe); regional politics (intra-Arab relations, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the Iran-Iraq war); and local politics (Jordan, Israel, the Palestinians, Syria, Egypt, Lebanon, Turkey, and the Sudan). It thus provides readers with a multidimensional view of Middle Eastern politics in an increasingly turbulent period.

Do institutions think? If so, how do they do it? Do they have minds of their own? If so, what thoughts occupy these suprapersonal minds? Mary Douglas delves into these questions as she lays the groundwork for a theory of institutions. Usually the human reasoning process is explained with a focus on the individual mind; her focus is on culture. Using the works of Emile Durkheim and Ludwik Fleck as a foundation, How Institutions Think intends to clarify the extent to which thinking itself is dependent upon institutions. Different kinds of institutions allow individuals to think different kinds of thoughts and to respond to different emotions. It is just as difficult to explain how individuals>Douglas forewarns us that institutions do not think independently, nor do they have purposes, nor can they build themselves. As we construct our institutions, we are squeezing each other's ideas into a common shape in order to prove their legitimacy by sheer numbers. She admonishes us not to take comfort in the thought that primitives may think through institutions, but moderns decide on important issues individually. Our legitimated institutions make major decisions, and these decisions always involve ethical principles.