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The relationship between Israel and the church is a long-standing debate in Christian theology, and Romans 9-11 are the most important chapters for understanding it. How one interprets these chapters determines how one understands biblical theology, how the New Testament uses the Old Testament, and how the old and new covenants are related. To help readers draw their own conclusion, four leading scholars on this issue present a case for their viewpoint, followed by a response and critique from the others. Michael Vlach argues for a future mass conversion and a role for ethnic Israel in the church. Fred Zaspel and Jim Hamilton present a case for a future mass conversion that does not include a role for ethnic Israel. And Benjamin Merkle contends that Romans 9-11 promises neither a future mass conversion nor a role for ethnic Israel. General editor Andrew David Naselli helpfully sets the debate in its larger biblical-theological context in the introduction, while Jared Compton provides a useful summary of the views and interactions at the end of the volume. --

There is only one argument for Scottish independence: the cultural argument. It was there long before North Sea oil had been discovered, and it will be here long after the oil has run out. How have perceptions of Scottish culture been shaped by its role within Britain? What would be different about culture in an Independent Scotland? Why is culture the key to the independence debate? ALEXANDER MOFFAT and ALAN RIACH take a hard look at the most neglected aspect of the argument for Scotland's distinctive national identity: the arts. Their proposition is that music, painting, architecture and, pre-eminently, literature, are the fuel and fire that makes imagination possible. Neglect them at your peril. For Moffat and Riach, jobs, health and trade are matters of material fact that need to be enlivened by imagination. How can we organise society to help us approach what the arts have to give. Why have we been so poor at representing our arts comprehensively, both within Scotland and internationally? What can be done? How might things be different? The arts are of paramount importance in the modern world. Moffat and Riach take the argument out of the hands of politicians and economists and beyond the petty squabbles of party politics. Praise for Arts of Resistance An inspiration, a revelation and education, as to the extraordinary richness and organic cohesion of twentieth-century Scottish culture, full of intellectual adventure and openness to the wider world... full of passion and intelligence... This is a landmark book. THE TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT

This book examines the most pressing issues facing us today in the context of the political and constitutional upheaval that is coursing throughout Western democracies. The shock politics of Trump and Brexit demonstrate that the political landscape has changed and we face an uncertain future. Henry McLeish offers a new approach to get us out of the mess we're in.

Scotland: The Growing Divide is the follow-up to Scotland: The Road Divides, which was released in 2007 to significant media interest across the UK. A book ahead of its time, several of the conclusions and predictions in The Road Divides have now become a political reality. Five years on, and now facing a referendum on Scottish independence in autumn 2014, the authors focus on the changing face of politics and what that means for both Scotland and the UK. With a thorough discussion of the arguments reaching several provocative conclusions, this is a must-read for anyone with an interest in the future of this country. REVIEWS: As a response to the 'national conversation' initiated by Salmond this is an important book, and coming from a former Labour heavyweight it is, in its way, remarkable. It virtually concedes that the party that has dominated Scottish politics for the past 30 years, has lost its way, and that the old ideologies no longer count. THE TIMES[McLeish] has emerged as an advocate of a much bolder approach to devolution than many in his party seem ready for. EDINBURGH EVENING NEWS They are particularly scathing of Westminster's response to the debate... The authors note that the initial response was to point out that Westminster could take back powers from Holyrood. THE HERALD

So stands Scotland where it did? Not on your nelly.The professional classes in Scotland may be busy with Commissions, vows, deals, submissions and General Election planning but the wider Yes Movement is busy with huge spontaneous meetings involving hundreds, even thousands of people - gatherings like birds flocking before winter or starlings swooping to throw shapes into darkening skies. Because they can.Wee White Blossom is a post-indyref, poppadom-sized version of Blossom for folk who've already sampled the full bhuna. It updates Blossom with a new chapter on Scotland's Year of Living Dangerously. Lesley Riddoch shares her thoughts on the Smith Commission, the departure of Gordon Brown, the return of Alex Salmond and the latest developments in land reform and local control. She considers the future of the SNP, the Radical Independence Campaign, Common Weal, Women for Independence and Scottish Labour in the aftermath of the referendum. This is a plain-speaking, incisive call to restore equality and control to local communities and let Scotland flourish.Wee White Blossom is the ideal companion volume to Blossom, whether you want an update on the first edition or an appetiser before delving into the pages of the original.The most influential, passionate and constructive book to appear during the referendum campaign. Blossom seized readers because it argued for independence as means to an end - restoring control over their own lives to Scottish communities so disempowered by top-down authority that they had no real experience of democracy.NEAL ASCHERSONA brilliant, moving, well written, informative, important and valuable piece of work.ELAINE C SMITHNot so much an intervention in the independence debate as a heartfelt manifesto for a better democracy.ESTHER BREITENBACH, Scotsman

Great Britain, (abbreviation: UK) England, Wales and Scotland considered as a unit. The name is also often used loosely to refer to the United Kingdom. reboot, ri-bu:t , verb to restart or revive... give fresh impetus to... federal, fed ar-al, adj. having or relating to a system of government in which several states form a unity but remain independent in internal affairs. Would federalism work in the UK? Wouldn't England dominate a British federation? How would powers be distributed between federal and home Nation level? What about the House of Lords? In the run up to the historic referendum on Scottish independence there has been a plethora of tracts, articles and books arguing for and against, but there remains a gap in the literature: the case for Scotland becoming part of a 'rebooted' federal Union. It is an old, usually Liberal, dream, but one still worth fighting for. It is often assumed that federalism is somehow 'alien' to the Scottish and British constitutional tradition but in this short book journalist David Torrance argues that not only has the UK already become a quasi-federal state but that formal federation is the best way of squaring the competing demands of Nationalists and Unionists. He also uses Scotland's place within a federal UK to examine other potential reforms with a view to tackling ever-increasing inequality across the British Isles and create a more equal, successful and constitutionally coherent country.

Small northern European states have been a major point of reference in the Scottish independence debate. For nationalists, they have been an 'arc of prosperity' while in the aftermath of the financial crash, unionists lampooned the 'arc of insolvency'. Both characterisations are equally misleading. Small states can do well in the global market place, but they face the world in very different ways. Some accept market logic and take the 'low road' of low wages, low taxes and light regulation, with a correspondingly low level of public services. Others take the 'high road' of social investment, which entails a larger public sector and higher taxes. Such a strategy requires innovative government, flexibility and social partnership. Keating and Harvey compare the experience of the Nordic and Baltic states and Ireland, which have taken very different roads and ask what lessons can be learnt for Scotland. They conclude that success is possible but that hard choices would need to be taken. Neither side in the independence debate has faced these choices squarely.

The history of parliament in the UK has a consistent theme: the refusal to accept any binding contract with the people. This unacceptable status quo goes for Holyrood as much as for Westminster. The time has come for people to challenge the power of the ruling class. We want to see the Scottish Parliament become an institution that it has so far failed to be: an institution committed to the sovereignty of the people. We want the people of Scotland to lead the rest of the UK by example, and ensure that the actions of a government are bound by shared political and ethical values. And we propose the first step: a modest proposal, for the agreement of the people. Are you with us? 'ANGUS REID and MARY DAVIS We need a common ground, and this is a brave attempt to create that in simple and universal language ... DAVE MOXHAM, Deputy General Secretary, STUCT This fascinating project has the seed of revolution in it ... GEORGE GUNN, writer and broadcaster CONTENTS Prologue Call for a Constitution Introduction CHAPTER 1 The Words CHAPTER 2 The Journey Map Responses Schools CHAPTER 3 The Past The English Revolution, 1647 to 1649 The Workers' Story, 1910 to 1918 For Women, 1914 to the present day CHAPTER 4 Considering a Constitution A socialist view A view from a former Government insider A view from Iceland A view from the Red Paper Collective A view across the Meadows CHAPTER 5 Epilogue: The White Paper Acknowledgements Contributors Bibliography Petition

Spanning four politically and socially tumultuous decades, Stephen Maxwell's writings explore the origins and development of the modern Scottish Nationalist movement. As an instrumental member of the SNP and a life-long socialist, Maxwell's work provides an engaging contemporary insight into the debate over Scottish independence, setting out a clear ideological and practical arguments for a socially just Scotland. The Case for Left Wing Nationalism - Maxwell's seminal 1981 pamphlet - considers the historical and cultural roots of Scottish national identity and stresses the importance of a realistic understanding of the past as the basis of a more prosperous, independent future. It concludes with Hugh MacDiarmid's prescription for a Scottish renaissance: Not Traditions - Precedents.

Shortlisted for 'Polemic of the Year' at The Paddy Power/Total Politics Political Book Awards 2013!Following an introductory chapter exploring why political argument deals in probability and plausibility across interdependent areas of social activity not certainty in individual areas, this book offers a case for independence under six main headings - the democratic case, the economic case, the social case, the international case, the cultural case and the environmental case. Under each heading, the case is assessed against both the supportive evidence and the hostile evidence, from a variety of sources, concluding with a judgement of where the balance of the evidence points. The book concludes with a selection of populist objections to independence answered by summary rebuttals from the independence file. Reviews Maxwell has done his homework assiduously. The key historical, social science and political sources on the subject have been marshalled with skill and to good effect... The author writes in coherent and lucid prose so even complex economic arguments can be reaily understood and absorbed. SUNDAY HERALD This is a book of profound thought, intelligence and wit. To my mind it is the best book on the need for Scottish Independence and it certainly should be read and cherished by all of us who hope to contribute to the campaign. Stephen stimulated many of us for years, but this is his final and most powerful work. As Owen Dudley Edwards says in his Preface: "e;This book lifts the entire debate on Scottish independence to a new intellectual level. PAUL HENDERSON SCOTT Back Cover Independence: a nation's right to effective government by its people or for its people Evidence: interpretation of facts Risk: likelihood that outcomes will not be as predicted Wicked issues: problems perceived to be resistant to resolution What sorts of arguments and evidence should carry the most wight in assessing the case for and against Scottish independence? Given the complexity of the question and the range of the possible consequences, can either side in the argument protend to certainty, or must we simply be satisfied with probability or even plausibility? Are there criteria for sifting the competing claims and counter-claims and arriving at a rational decision on Scotland's future? In Arguing for Independence author Stephen Maxwell opens with a chapter on The Ways We Argue before exploring the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments for independence under six main headings: the democratic case the economic case the social case the international case the cultural case the environmental case. He also provides his own concise answers to some of the most frequent 'Aye but' responses to the case for independence. By offering an assessment of the case for independence across all its dimensions, Arguing for Independence fills a longstanding gap in Scotland's political bookshelf as we enter a new and critical phase in the debate on Scotland's political future.

Providing a recent history of the Scottish Government's Constitutional Policy since 2011, Bulmer asks what exactly is the 'common good' and what type of constitution would serve it, while also addressing questions of poverty, wealth, inequality and democracy.

We live in a time of crises in a state with no moral purpose. This generation could become great by tackling Scotland‿s domestic problems, and the wider issues facing the world. That is only possible if we take charge, set the goal of equality and give ourselves twenty years to transform our society. We can lead ourselves to a better world. ALEX BELLFormer Head of Policy to First Minister Alex Salmond, Alex Bell puts Scotland‿s future in a global context and sets out a way for Scotland and the UK to reform. This is a manifesto for the future free of party lines or the usual orthodoxies ‿ if you read only one book on the referendum, make it this one. The sort of original thinking that has been so sorely missing in the debate. - BEN THOMSON, Reform ScotlandBadly needed as a guide for the general reader tothe issues facing the Scottish people. - KENNETH ROY, Scottish ReviewA rare work ‿ a stimulating read that you would hope party manifestos would aspire to but rarely do. - JOHN McLAREN, Centre for Public Policy for RegionsA manifesto for the future. - ANDY WIGHTMAN, author of The Poor Had No Lawyers‿ an eloquent and alarmingly persuasive book. - THE SCOTSMAN, on Peak Water