Bøger af Frederick Engels

The Origin of the Family Private Property and the State

"The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844" by Frederick Engels is a powerful indictment of the Industrial Revolution's detrimental impact on workers. Engels meticulously demonstrates how industrial cities like Manchester and Liverpool experienced alarmingly high mortality rates due to diseases, with workers being four times more likely to succumb to illnesses like smallpox, measles, scarlet fever, and whooping cough compared to their rural counterparts. The overall death rate in these cities far surpassed the national average, painting a grim picture of the workers' plight. Engels goes beyond mortality statistics to shed light on the dire living conditions endured by industrial workers. He argues that their wages were lower than those of pre-industrial workers, and they were forced to inhabit unhealthy and unpleasant environments. Addressing a German audience, Engels' work is considered a classic account of the universal struggles faced by the industrial working class. It reveals his transformation into a radical thinker after witnessing the harsh realities in England. "The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844" remains an essential resource for understanding the hardships endured by workers during the Industrial Revolution. Engels' meticulous research and impassioned arguments continue to shape discussions on labor rights, social inequality, and the historical agency of the working class.

A seminal work of socialist theory, this collection of essays explores the fundamental principles of scientific socialism and its application to contemporary society. Drawing on the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the author argues for a comprehensive approach to social and political change that is grounded in empirical observation and rigorous analysis.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it.This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

Feuerbach: The Roots Of The Socialist Philosophy is a book written by Frederick Engels in 1903. The book explores the philosophical ideas of Ludwig Feuerbach, a German philosopher who had a significant influence on the development of socialism. Engels argues that Feuerbach's materialist philosophy paved the way for socialist thought and provided a framework for understanding the relationship between humans and their environment.The book is divided into three parts. The first part provides a biographical sketch of Feuerbach, outlining his intellectual development and his contributions to philosophy. The second part delves into Feuerbach's materialist philosophy, examining his ideas on religion, human nature, and society. Engels argues that Feuerbach's materialism provides a foundation for socialist thought, which seeks to understand the material conditions that shape human existence.The third and final part of the book discusses the influence of Feuerbach's ideas on the development of socialism. Engels argues that Feuerbach's materialism provided a critical framework for understanding the social and economic forces that shape human society. He also explores the ways in which Feuerbach's ideas were adapted and refined by other socialist thinkers, including Marx and Engels themselves.Overall, Feuerbach: The Roots Of The Socialist Philosophy is a comprehensive exploration of the philosophical ideas that underpin socialist thought. Engels' analysis of Feuerbach's materialism provides a valuable framework for understanding the relationship between humans and their environment, and the book is an important contribution to the history of socialist philosophy.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.

The "Manifesto" was published as the platform of the "Communist League," a working men's association, first exclusively German, later an international, and under the political conditions of the Continent before 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of the League, held in London in November, 1847, Marx and Engels were commissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical and practical party-program. Drawn up in German, in January, 1848, the manuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeks before the French revolution of February 24th. A French translation was brought out in Paris, shortly before the insurrection of June, 1848. The first English translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in George Julian Harney's "Red Republication," London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish edition had also been published. The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June, 1848 - the first great battle between Proletariat and Bourgeoisie - drove again into the background, for a time, the social and political aspirations of the European working class.

he Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 is one of the best-known works of Friedrich Engels. Originally written in German as Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England, it is a study of the working class in Victorian England. It was also Engels' first book, written during his stay in Manchester from 1842 to 1844. Manchester was then at the very heart of the Industrial Revolution, and Engels compiled his study from his own observations and detailed contemporary reports. Engels argues that the Industrial Revolution made workers worse off. He shows, for example, that in large industrial cities mortality from disease, as well as death-rates for workers were higher than in the countryside. In cities like Manchester and Liverpool mortality from smallpox, measles, scarlet fever and whooping cough was four times as high as in the surrounding countryside, and mortality from convulsions was ten times as high as in the countryside. The overall death-rate in Manchester and Liverpool was significantly higher than the national average (one in 32.72 and one in 31.90 and even one in 29.90, compared with one in 45 or one in 46). An interesting example shows the increase in the overall death-rates in the industrial town of Carlisle. Prior to the introduction of mills (1779-1787), 4,408 out of 10,000 children died before reaching the age of five. After the introduction of mills the figure rose to 4,738. Prior to the introduction of mills, 1,006 out of 10,000 adults died before reaching 39 years old. After the introduction of mills the death rate rose to 1,261 out of 10,000 It is considered by many to be a classic account of the condition of the industrial working class. It was originally addressed to a German audience. The eldest son of a successful German textile industrialist, Engels became involved in radical journalism as a teenager. Sent to England, what he saw made him even more radical. About this time he formed his life-long intellectual partnership with Karl Marx. -wikipedia

Feuerbach: The Roots of the Socialist Philosophy is a classic political science text by Frederick Engels. This work takes us back nearly sixty years, to a time when what is now a movement of universal significance was in its infancy. Hegel and the Revolution of 1848; these are the points of departure. To the former, we owe the philosophic form of the socialist doctrine, to the latter, its practical activity as a movement.

The book explains the differences between utopian socialism and scientific socialism, which Marxism considers itself to embody. The book explains that whereas utopian socialism is idealist, reflects the personal opinions of the authors and claims that society can be adapted based on these opinions, scientific socialism derives itself from reality. It focuses on the materialist conception of history, which is based on an analysis over history, and concludes that communism naturally follows capitalism.

The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (German: Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats) is an 1884 historical materialist treatise by Friedrich Engels. It is partially based on notes by Karl Marx to Lewis H. Morgan's book Ancient Society (1877). The book is an early anthropological work and is regarded as one of the first major works on family economics.

This is one of the best-known books of Friedrich Engels and his first published one. In this work, Engels argues that the Industrial Revolution worsened the situation of the English workers. Today this work is considered to be a classic account of the condition of the industrial working class.

This title is the classic communist party manifesto which started this one and a half decade political movement. The seven rarely published prefaces, mostly written by Frederick Engels after the death of Karl Marx, are included making this publication the complete communist manifesto. Although this title is known as one of the most famous left-wing propagandist publications, it serves as a lesson for those of all political philosophies. The Communist Manifesto should be required reading when studying political science, radicalism and radical political thought.

Thank you for checking out this book by Theophania Publishing. We appreciate your business and look forward to serving you soon. We have thousands of titles available, and we invite you to search for us by name, contact us via our website, or download our most recent catalogues. "An eternal being created human society as it is to-day, and submission to 'superiors' and 'authority' is imposed on the 'lower' classes by divine will." This suggestion, coming from pulpit, platform and press, has hypnotized the minds of men and proves to be one of the strongest pillars of exploitation. Scientific investigation has revealed long ago that human society is not cast in a stereotyped mould. As organic life on earth assumes different shapes, the result of a succession of chemical changes, so the group life of human beings develops different social institutions as a result of increasing control over environment, especially of production of food, clothing and shelter. Such is the message which the works of men like Bachofen, Morgan, Marx, Darwin, and others, brought to the human race. But this message never reached the great mass of humanity. In the United States the names of these men are practically unknown. Their books are either out of print, as is the case with the fundamental works of Morgan, or they are not translated into English. Only a few of them are accessible to a few individuals on the dusty shelves of some public libraries. Their message is dangerous to the existing order, and it will not do to give it publicity at a time when further intellectual progress of large bodies of men means the doom of the ruling class. The capitalist system has progressed so far, that all farther progress must bring danger to it and to those who are supreme through it.

The Communist Manifesto (originally Manifesto of the Communist Party) is an 1848 political pamphlet by German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Commissioned by the Communist League and originally published in London (in German as Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei) just as the revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, the Manifesto was later recognised as one of the world's most influential political documents. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and then-present) and the problems of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms. The Communist Manifesto summarises Marx and Engels' theories about the nature of society and politics, that in their own words, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It also briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism.

El manifiesto comunista es un Nuevo gobierno revolucionario traducido en español modern.

The Communist Manifesto (originally Manifesto of the Communist Party) is an 1848 political pamphlet by German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Commissioned by the Communist League and originally published in London (in German as Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei) just as the revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, the Manifesto was later recognised as one of the world's most influential political documents. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and then-present) and the problems of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms. The Communist Manifesto summarises Marx and Engels' theories about the nature of society and politics, that in their own words, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It also briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism. In 2013, The Communist Manifesto was registered to UNESCO's Memory of the World Programme with the Capital, Volume I. The Communist Manifesto is divided into a preamble and four sections, the last of these a short conclusion. The introduction begins by proclaiming "A spectre is haunting Europe-the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre". Pointing out that parties everywhere-including those in government and those in the opposition-have flung the "branding reproach of communism" at each other, the authors infer from this that the powers-that-be acknowledge communism to be a power in itself. Subsequently, the introduction exhorts Communists to openly publish their views and aims, to "meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself". The first section of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", elucidates the materialist conception of history, that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". Societies have always taken the form of an oppressed majority living under the thumb of an oppressive minority. In capitalism, the industrial working class, or proletariat, engage in class struggle against the owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie. As before, this struggle will end in a revolution that restructures society, or the "common ruin of the contending classes". The bourgeoisie, through the "constant revolutionising of production [and] uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions" have emerged as the supreme class in society, displacing all the old powers of feudalism. The bourgeoisie constantly exploits the proletariat for its labour power, creating profit for themselves and accumulating capital. However, in doing so, the bourgeoisie serves as "its own grave-diggers"; the proletariat inevitably will become conscious of their own potential and rise to power through revolution, overthrowing the bourgeoisie. "Proletarians and Communists", the second section, starts by stating the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class. The communists' party will not oppose other working-class parties, but unlike them, it will express the general will and defend the common interests of the world's proletariat as a whole, independent of all nationalities. The section goes on to defend communism from various objections, including claims that it advocates "free love" or disincentivises people from working. The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands-among them a progressive income tax; abolition of inheritances and private property; abolition of child labour; free public education; nationalisation of the means of transport and communication; centralisation of credit via a national bank; expansion of publicly owned etc.-the implementation of which would result in the precursor to a stateless and classless society.

Der erste Akt des revolutionären Dramas auf dem europäischen Kontinent ist zu Ende. Die »Mächte der Vergangenheit« vor dem Sturm von 1848 sind wieder die »Mächte der Gegenwart«, und die mehr oder weniger populären Regenten, Triumvirn, Diktatoren, alle mit ihrem Gefolge von Abgeordneten, Zivilkommissaren, Militärkommissaren, Präfekten, Richtern, Generalen, Offizieren und Soldaten, sind an fremde Küsten verschlagen und »über See verschickt«, nach England oder Amerika, um dort neue Regierungen »in partibus infidelium«, europäische Komitees, Zentralkomitees, nationale Komitees zu bilden und ihr Kommen in Proklamationen anzukündigen, nicht minder feierlich als die eines weniger imaginären Potentaten.

This book briefly outlines the Hegelian philosophy and the point of departure and separation from it of the Marxian outlook.

¿De dónde provino la humanidad? ¿Cómo llegamos hasta donde estamos hoy? ¿Por qué es importante eso? Porque sin comprender que la sociedad humana --desde nuestros ancestros más remotos-- ha sido creada mediante el trabajo social, los trabajadores seguiremos siendo prisioneros de la época capitalista en la que vivimos. Sin conocer cómo nuestro trabajo transforma la naturaleza, cómo el trabajo es la fuerza motriz del rumbo que sigue la humanidad, no podremos ver más allá de la explotación de clases que deforma cada aspecto de nuestras relaciones sociales, ideas y valores. La dictadura del capital no siempre ha existido. Data de apenas unos cientos de años. Al igual que la esclavitud y la servidumbre que le precedieron, el dominio capitalista tuvo un inicio. . . y tendrá un final. Solo la conquista revolucionaria del poder estatal por la clase trabajadora, consciente de nuestra posición de clase y las condiciones de nuestra emancipación, podrá abrir la puerta a un futuro. Un futuro que no se base en el capitalismo con su despiadada explotación, degradación de la naturaleza, subyugación de la mujer, racismo y guerras. Un mundo basado en la solidaridad humana. Un mundo socialista. Eso es lo que una larga visión de la historia nos ayuda a comprender.

"Because without understanding how human society since our remotest ancestors has been created through social labor working people remain prisoners of the capitalist epoch in which we live.Without knowing how our labor transforms nature how its the motor force along humanitys ongoing road we cant see beyond the class exploitation that warps every aspect of our social relations ideas and values.The dictatorship of capital hasn't always existed. Its a few hundred years old. Like slavery and serfdom before it capitalist rule had a beginning. . . and will have an end. Only the revolutionary conquest of state power by the working class conscious of our class position and conditions of emancipation can open the door to a future. One based not on dog-eat-dog capitalist exploitation degradation of nature subjugation of women racism and war. A world built on human solidarity. A socialist world.Thats what a long view of history helps us understand."--Amazon.com viewed April 19, 2022.

How the emergence of class-divided society gave rise to repressive state bodies and family structures that protect the property of the ruling layers and enable them to pass along wealth and privilege. Engels discusses the consequences for working people of these class institutions -- from their original forms to their modern versions.

Book Excerpt: ...relative social positions of man and wife, but the religious reflection of these conditions in the minds of men. Hence Bachofen represents the Oresteia of Aeschylos as the dramatic description of the fight between the vanishing maternal and the paternal law, rising and victorious during the time of the heroes.Klytaemnestra has killed her husband Agamemnon on his return from the Trojan war for the sake of her lover Aegisthos; but Orestes, her son by Agamemnon, avenges the death of his father by killing his mother. Therefore he is persecuted by the Erinyes, the demonic protectors of maternal law, according to which the murder of a mother is the most horrible, inexpiable crime. But Apollo, who has instigated Orestes to this act by his oracle, and Athene, who is invoked as arbitrator--the two deities representing the new paternal order of things--protect him. Athene gives a hearing to both parties. The whole question is summarized in the ensuing debate between Orestes and the Erinyes. Orestes claims that..