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From the time of Alexander Hamilton's "Report on Manufactures" through the Great Depression, American towns and cities sought to lure footloose companies by offering lavish benefits
This book presents an absorbing study of how educational radio, which originated to broadcast weather forecasts to farmers, has become what the Pew Center calls the most trusted source of news for American liberals and a regular in the rogue's gallery of election-year conservative targets.The Nielsen Company reported in late 2019 that 272 million Americans listen to "traditional radio" each week, a number exceeding those who watch television, use a smartphone, or access the Internet. Yet almost from the start, radio has also been flayed as a noise box of inanity, a transmitter of low-brow entertainment, an instrument of cultural degradation promoting vapid popular music, and a medium whose ultimate purpose is to convince listeners to purchase the goods and services incessantly hawked by the advertisers who underwrite the programs and allegedly dictate content. At the same time, an alternative conception of radio existed as a vehicle for education and for cultural and intellectual(and even political) enlightenment. Most proponents of this perspective disdained advertising revenue and sought subsidies from foundations, wealthy patrons, or varying levels of government.The long, winding road of educational radio led eventually to the creation of National Public Radio (NPR), a fixture on the left of the dial that can be seen as either the consummation or corruption of the educational radio movement. Prized by many liberals, especially affluent whites, and disparaged by many conservatives, NPR has become a potent symbol of the political polarization and cultural chasm that now characterizes the American conversation.
"The Congressional Budget Office has laid out seven infrastructure categories: highways, public transit, wastewater treatment, water resources, air traffic control, airports, and municipal water supply. This book focuses on a broadened version of the first and, in many ways, most visible and historically significant category: roads and bridges, as well as their aquatic kin, the nineteenth-century canal. Also examined is US transportation policy from the Constitutional Convention through the presidency of Donald Trump-that is, from "internal improvements" in antebellum America to the current trope of "crumbling infrastructure.""--
This book presents an absorbing study of how educational radio, which originated to broadcast weather forecasts to farmers, has become what the Pew Center calls the most trusted source of news for American liberals and a regular in the rogue''s gallery of election-year conservative targets.The Nielsen Company reported in late 2019 that 272 million Americans listen to "traditional radio" each week, a number exceeding those who watch television, use a smartphone, or access the Internet. Yet almost from the start, radio has also been flayed as a noise box of inanity, a transmitter of low-brow entertainment, an instrument of cultural degradation promoting vapid popular music, and a medium whose ultimate purpose is to convince listeners to purchase the goods and services incessantly hawked by the advertisers who underwrite the programs and allegedly dictate content. At the same time, an alternative conception of radio existed as a vehicle for education and for cultural and intellectual (and even political) enlightenment. Most proponents of this perspective disdained advertising revenue and sought subsidies from foundations, wealthy patrons, or varying levels of government.The long, winding road of educational radio led eventually to the creation of National Public Radio (NPR), a fixture on the left of the dial that can be seen as either the consummation or corruption of the educational radio movement. Prized by many liberals, especially affluent whites, and disparaged by many conservatives, NPR has become a potent symbol of the political polarization and cultural chasm that now characterizes the American conversation.
But how did we get here and what is the cost? After an in-depth study of the Carter administration's synthetic fuels program, the focus shifts to the two most prominent, perhaps most promising, and certainly most promoted-and government subsidized-"green" and "renewable" energies today: wind and solar.
One of the best-known books written on labor unions, "What Do Unions Do?" was first published in 1984. This volume represents a retrospective and evaluation of "What Do Unions Do?" It is a state-of-the-art survey by internationally recognized experts on the effects and future of labor unions.
The diet industry feeds on the hopes and the fears of those who need-or think that they need-to lose weight
One of the best-known and most-quoted books ever written on labor unions is What Do Unions Do? by Richard Freeman and James Medoff
Here is a fresh look at a political and economic puzzle: why do Joe and Jane Sixpack in the Bronx and Dallas pay taxes to subsidize ballparks for professional sports, despite evidence that publicly funded stadiums don't create net economic growth?
Awareness of the need for homeland security is a direct consequence of the War on Terror launched after the attacks of September 11, 2001. The war is being used to justify a huge expansion of government powers and spending. This book shows that the government spending is doing very little to make us safer, but a great deal to make us poorer.
Since the first known diet book in 1864, a host of "experts" have stoked fears of obesity, including C. Everett Koop. This work offers a scathing and irreverent assessment of Koop's career, showing how a brilliant paediatric surgeon has evolved into a self-seeking and hypocritical public scold.
This work assesses, with scholarly scrupulousness and irreverent wit, the ways in which the American male is being blamed, castigated, slandered, emasculated, and just plain harassed for a multitude of crimes and sins because of a single trait: "maleness." From cradle to grave, public policy and the teachings of the groves of the academe are increasingly shaped by an anti-male bias. Chapters examine the ways in which American men and maleness are punished in childhood; in school; in history texts; in language; in the wallet; in religion; and even in recreation.Although the book's tone is often light, the subject is a serious one that the mainstream media often avoids. The Politics of American Feminism debunks dated myths, defends individual liberty against feminist assaults, offers an impious take on the narrow focus of the women's movement, and has as a central premise that not only are men essential to the health of the nation and the survival of the species, but they also have a few salutary qualities as well.
A study of the long-term decline of the labour movement in America, exploring the outlook for labour and unions in the 21st century. There are insights from contributors from a range of backgrounds - academic and non-academic, domestic and foreign, pro- and anti-union.
Federal patronage of science was never contemplated by the framers of the Constitution, but they did seek to "promote the Progress of Science and useful Art" by granting inventors patent rights.
This book reveals how Democrats and Republicans have contributed to an array of laws, subsidies, and programs that have secured their lock on American politics. It considers the potential for opening the field to third-party candidacies.
The American Founders distrusted political parties. But this book examines an array of laws, regulations, subsidies and programs in American history that favor the Democrats and Republicans and discourage a challenge by any third party.
From the time of Alexander Hamilton's "Report on Manufactures" through the Great Depression, American towns and cities sought to lure footloose companies by offering lavish benefits
Unfair Competition is an in-depth investigation of the commercial activities of nonprofit organizations. Nonprofits have been granted many special privileges by the government, including exemption from taxation and subsidized postal rates.
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