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Currently, parliament as a political institution does not enjoy the best reputation. This book aims to recover less known political resources of the parliamentary mode of proceeding. The parliamentary procedure relies on regulating debates in a fair way and on constructing opposed perspectives on the agenda items.
The parliamentary style of politics has been formed over centuries; In the last two chapters, the book outlines the possibilities of extending parliamentary judgment to politics beyond parliaments proper and the chances for parliamentary politics succeeding today.
The essays set Weber's political thought in relationship to his predecessors (Constant, Bagehot, Nietzsche), contemporaries (Sombart, Schmitt, Benjamin), later (Arendt, Sartre) or contemporary scholars (Skinner, Koselleck) and current Weber studies (Hennis, Scaff, Ghosh).
This book explicates how debates and documents can be understood, interpreted and analysed as political action. The authors deploy the perspective that debates are to be understood as political activity, and documents can be regarded as frozen debates.
The authors deal with the place of parliamentary politics in democracy. Apparently a truism, parliamentarism is in fact a missing research object in democratic theory, and a devalued institutional reference in democratic politics. Yet the parliamentary culture of politics historically explains the rise and fall of modern democracies. By exploring democracy from the vantage point of parliamentary politics, the book advances a novel research perspective. Aimed at revising current debates on parliamentary politics, democratization and democratic theory, the authors argue the role of the parliamentary culture of politics in democracy, highlighting the argumentative, debating experience of politics to recast both some of democratic theory's normative assumptions and real democracies' reform potential.
Pococks "e;The Machiavellian Moment"e; versteht Politik als Kontingenzbehandlung. Das "e;Webersche Moment"e; deutet Max Weber ebenfalls in diesem Sinne, interpretiert ihn jedoch als Denker, der die Kontingenz uminterpretiert. Anstatt sie als 'fortuna' im Hintergrund der Politik zu deuten, sieht Weber die Kontingenz der Chancen als Voraussetzung dafur, politisches Handeln zu verstehen. Diese Sicht pragt auch seine Politikkonzeption: Streben, Macht und Kampf ebenso wie Leidenschaft, Verantwortungsgefuhl und Augenma verweisen auf verschiedene Aspekte der Kontingenz. Der Autor zeigt, da die "e;Globalisierung der Kontingenz"e; (Connolly) in der gegenwartigen Politik eine Art Ruckkehr der 'fortuna' bedeutet. Politik hat nun beide Aspekte der Kontingenz, die Chancen und die 'fortuna' aufeinander zu beziehen.
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