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This timely collection offers fresh perspectives on the analysis of the ''New Great Game'' - the fight for access to the former Soviet Union''s energy resources. Thus far the export of crude oil and natural gas has only been assessed through a geopolitical lens, which oversimplifies the political dynamics of the region and neglects to acknowledge the post-Soviet countries as actors in their own right.Broadening the scope of analysis, this volume brings together insights from various different angles, including the securitization of energy issues, the formation of post-Soviet energy policies, and the motives of local business and political actors.
This timely intervention exposes the euphemized language of the extreme right as a Trojan Horse of deception to re-gain greater influence on public policy.Since the end of the Second World War, the extreme right has been tactically using ''doublespeak'', aping the language of liberal democracy. Attentive observation and accurate recognition of the extreme right pedigree means taking seriously their deliberately crafted slogans, symbols and themes. The essays in this book inquire into the extreme right''s attempts at ''repackaging'' contemporary ultranationalism to make it palatable to more mainstream European and American tastes.
The so-called Democratic Antifascist Youth Movement "Nashi" represents a crucial case of a post-Orange government-organized formation whose values have broad support in Russian society. Yet, at the same time, in view of the movement''s public scandals, Nashi was also a phenomenon bringing to the fore public reluctance to accept all implications of Putin''s new system. The Russian people''s relatively widespread support for his patriotic policies and conservative values has been evident, but this support is not easily extended to political actors aligned to these values. Using discourse analysis, this book identifies socio-political factors that created obstacles to Nashi''s communication strategies. The book understands Nashi as anticipating an "ideal youth" within the framework of official national identity politics and as an attempt to mobilize largely apolitical youngsters in support of the powers that be. It demonstrates how Nashi''s ambivalent societal position was the result of a failed attempt to reconcile incompatible communicative demands of the authoritarian state and apolitical young.
This important book analyzes the dubious role of the so-called Democratic Antifascist Youth Movement ''Nashi'' in contemporary Russia. Part and parcel of the Putinist project of political stabilization, Nashi dominates state-sponsored youth politics in Russia, communicating demands from official discourse to a young audience. Idealizing the past, present, and future of Putin''s Russia, Nashi mobilized young Russians through its emotional appeal, skillful use of symbolic politics and the promise for professional self-realization. However, the movement''s impact remains limited - mostly due to its internal contradictions.Based on original and meticulous research, Ivo Mijnssen skillfully picks apart the dynamics underlying Nashi''s influence and furthers a deeper understanding of state-sponsored youth politics in early 21st century Russia.
The five chapters contained in this volume focus on the complex and tumultuous events occurring in Russia during the five months from May through September 1999. They sparked the Russian invasion of Chechnya on 1 October and vaulted a previously unknown former KGB agent into the post of Russian prime minister and, ultimately, president.The five chapters are devoted to: ΓÇó The intense political struggle taking place in Russia between May and August of 1999, culminating in an incursion by armed Islamic separatists into the Republic of Dagestan.ΓÇó Two Moscow terrorist bombings of 9 and 13 September 1999, claiming the lives of 224 Muscovites and preparing the psychological and political ground for a full-blown invasion of Chechnya.ΓÇó The so-called Ryazan Incident of 22 September 1999, when eyewitnesses observed officers of the FSB special forces placing a live bomb in the basement of an apartment building in the town of Rzayan.ΓÇó The detonation of a powerful truck bomb outside of an apartment house in Buinaksk, Dagestan, on 4 September 1999, which took the lives of fifty-eight innocent victims.ΓÇó The explosion on 16 September 1999 of a truck bomb in the city of Volgdonsk in southern Russia, which killed eighteen persons and seriously wounded eighty-nine
This comprehensive volume analyzes the radical change in the nature of armed conflicts and in the way they are narrated and represented. Ever since the First World War has changed war itself, rendering meaningless the very vocabulary of war in terms such as "battle", "front", "non-combatant", "open city" and "hero", new words, new approaches, new theories and new texts had to be invented. The enemy became invisible: Submarines, tanks, mines, gas, long-range artillery, and airplanes made this war different from all the other that came before. A hundred years after the beginning of this terrible war, it is now time to recall different representations of the armed conflicts of the 20th century. The articles in this collection analyze representations of the Canudos Civil War in Brazil, the First World War, the Second World War, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the colonial wars in Africa, and the war in Afghanistan, aiming to understand how war and the telling of war have changed during the most murderous hundred years in the history of mankind.
This astonishing book explores the delusional imaginings of Russia''s past by the pseudo-scientific ''Alternative History'' movement. Despite the chaotic collapse of two empires in the last century, Russia''s glorious imperial past continues to inspire millions. The lively movement of ''Alternative History'', diligently re-writing Russia''s past and ''rediscovering'' its hidden greatness, has been growing dramatically since the collapse of Communism in 1991. Virtually unknown in the West, these pseudo-historians have published best-selling books, attracted widespread media attention, and are a prominent voice in Internet discussions about Russian and world history.Alternative History claims that Russia is much older than Ancient Egypt, Greece and Rome; that the medieval Mongol Empire was in fact a Slav-Turk world empire; and that, in the twentieth century, duplicitous foreign powers stabbed Russia in the back and stole its empire. For its followers the key to Russia''s greatness in the future lies in ensuring that Russians understand the true wealth of their past. Alternative history has become a popular therapy for Russians still coming to terms with the reality of Post-Soviet life. It is one of the forces shaping a new Russian nationalism and an important factor in the geopolitics of the twenty-first century.
This timely book offers a multifaceted analysis of EU-Russian relations, drawing on the investigation of competing models of international society. Makarychev argues that the huge variety of interest-based and normative models is best explained through the study of foreign policy and identity discourses. His approach defies simplistic explanations of EU-Russian relations as either destined for cooperation or doomed to constant collisions. Instead, Makarychev unveils multiple alternatives that both the EU and Russia face in their policies toward each other. Assessing the repercussions ongoing EU-Russian discord has on Europe and the world, Makarychev''s volume reveals the interconnectedness of the discourses dominating the EU and Russia while also accounting for the deep-seated disconnect between them.
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