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Spanning seven decades, the diplomatic relations between India and Japan offer an extraordinary narrative of mutual respect, strategic alignment, and robust cooperation. This relationship has evolved from strong cultural and civilizational linkages to a global partnership. The ties have broadened to include significant developments in defence and security, economic modernization, infrastructure projects and regional cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. Withstanding the test of time, the India-Japan relationship stands as a beacon of stability, security, and prosperity in an uncertain world, offering promising prospects for the future.The journey of this enduring relationship is eloquently captured in the book, "India-Japan Seventy Years of Diplomatic Relations: Reflections and the Way Forward". Based on a conference organized by the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) on May 19, 2022, this book represents a comprehensive account of the diplomatic ties between the two nations. Attended by renowned scholars and policymakers, the conference marked the 70th anniversary of India-Japan relations and provided a fertile ground for insightful reflections, which have been thoughtfully collated in this book. It serves as a testament to the resilient relationship and an inspiring guide for the path ahead.

Development Partnership has been one of the principal pillars of Indian foreign policy which is based on the principle of "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam" - the world is one family. Despite its own resource restraints, India has been one of the leading developing countries willing to share its developmental experience and technical expertise with other developing countries over the last seven decades in line with its firm and long-standing commitment to South-South cooperation and solidarity.India's development partnership model is based on trust, respect, sovereignty, transparency, collaboration and requirements of the partner countries. In recent years, India's development partnership has grown significantly in scale and scope and is a mutually beneficial partnership that is human-centric in its approach. The contours of India's development partnership programme are a reflection of a rising, aspirational India which considers its growth and development as not being separable from that of the countries of the Global South.This edited volume is the compilation of views and papers presented by former diplomats, practitioners, academicians and policy makers at a two-day online National Seminar on 'India's Development Partnership: Expanding Vistas' held on 15-16 June 2022. The Seminar was organized to mark the completion of ten years in 2022 of the Development Partnership Administration, which is responsible for implementing policy, project and capacity building initiatives within the Ministry of External Affairs of India, its achievements in expanding India's Development Partnership and to discuss the way forward.

Pramod Kumar Gupta, an exemplary officer of the Indian Revenue Service and a former CEO of the Confederation of Real Estate Developers Association of India tells his story-his escaping death, convalescence, changing responses of friends and the will to live life. He chronicles the story of recovering from a haemorrhagic stroke that incapacitated him for months. His story is about a strong will to survive and live life again. It is a book for the survivors and for those who want to live stronger after an unprecedented adversity. "And Living Again" is both a memoir and an autofiction. Gupta tells you about the devastating impact of the stroke, reflects upon the healthcare system in the country, and how the sheer will to live life with human dignity makes all the difference in one's chances of survival. He writes about what happened, and at the same time, conveys the message "that which doesn't kill us only makes us stronger." This book is a reflection on changing relationships. It is a narrative of the Indian Revenue Service as experienced by Gupta. It also contains the author's view on the Indian Civil Services and the healthcare industry. The book enumerates the bliss flowing from a loving spouse and an empathetic family. It reflects on the substantial impact of a nurturing father during adolescence that helped the author intellectually in adulthood. And finally, it is about heartfelt gratitude for those who stay with you in difficult moments of life."I know Pramod's positivity can defeat the Stroke. The fact that he has been able to finish his book while recovering is a sure sign of that. His reflections on relationships, the trauma of the illness of this magnitude and his associations with people set you thinking. His memories of experiences in the Indian Revenue Service, his thoughts on the Civil Services and the medical profession provide food for thought. I am sure he will, in the days to come, write on various subjects." -R.C.P. Singh, Ex-IAS & Ex-Union Minister of Steel, Government of India"Episodal memories never die and cognition preserves them surreptitiously in the different compartments of the mind. The book bears eloquent testimony. I hope Pramod's words will inspire many and rekindle hope in those minds anxiously waiting for the realization of their robust dreams." -Harananda, Pr. Chief Security Commissioner (Retd.)/RPF"'And Living Again' is a victory of perseverance and resilience, in addition to being a chronicle of life and a process of determined recovery." -Vidisha Priyanka, University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida, USA

This book provides pointers on how India's nuclear strategy, in the prevailing security environment, should put together the building blocks of credible deterrence in order to minimise, if not removethe chance of nuclear use.

We are living in an era of extraordinarily fast paced change. The Covid-19 pandemic has turned the world upside down and deepened political, economic and social uncertainties. The post-World War order set up in 1945 by the Western countries is under tremendous strain. The contour of the new order is not yet clear. With the rise of China, the seeming retreat of the US from Eurasia, the deepening schism between Russia and the West, growing closeness of Russia and China, the Cold War rivalries are back. A new balance of power is beginning to shape up.The world is also witnessing a host of other destabilising trends: climate change and extreme weather events, terrorism and radicalisation, pandemics, migrations, demography, to name a few. They are testing the resilience of even the most powerful countries. India should be prepared to deal with a highly challenging security environment that will become even more complex in future. It should lookout for opportunities in a world that is being reformatted. A long-enduring civilisation, India has weathered the storms of disruption on numerous occasions and will be able to do so again provided it understands the nature of change and undertakes reforms to be prepared for a new, uncertain world. The concept of self-reliance or Atmanirbhar Bharat, propounded by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which builds on India's inherent strengths, provides a framework to deal with an uncertain world. This book is an attempt to understand the changes in the world order, the contradictions of globalisation, the thought processes of the US, Europe, Russia, China, Japan and India; the impact of technology on lives; the connection between religion and violence, the foreign policy of India and the way India can move ahead.Dr Arvind Gupta is the Director of the Vivekananda International Foundation, a Delhi based independent think tank dedicated to analysing India's external and internal security environment and offering inputs to shape policies and response strategies. Before joining the VIF in 2017, he was the Deputy National Security Adviser, National Security Council Secretariat (2014-17) and Director General of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi (2012-2014). A former member of the Indian Foreign Service, he served in the Indian missions in Moscow, London and Ankara and worked in different capacities in the Ministry of External Affairs and the National Security Council Secretariat. He has written and edited several books. His book How India Manages Its National Security (Penguin India) was published in 2018. He coedited the book India's Foreign Policy: Surviving in a Turbulent World (Sage) in 2020 and Aatmanirbhar Bharat: A Vibrant and Strong India (Aryan Books) in 2021.

Contributed papers presented at a national seminar.

The government has to devise means to bring all factions of the insurgent groups to a common negotiating table. India's Look and Act East Policy can provide huge economic benefits with a land gateway to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through Myanmar, and revitalise the northeast region.

The Look East-turned Act East Policy of India is the decades old articulation of India's Southeast Asia policy. Officially unveiled in 1990s, the Look East Policy was generally seen as an economic initiative of the Indian policy makers to salvage the country suffering from chronic economic crisis during the early days of post Cold War era. This was phase 1 of Look Eat Policy. Phase 2 started in the eve of new millennium when India added the strategic angle to the policy with reference of security cooperation with the ASEAN countries. During this time, there was an upsurge in the security related cooperation between India and ASEAN, particularly in the maritime field. India, in the new millennium, associated herself with every grouping in Southeast Asia, ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Defence Minister Meeting Plus (ADMM]) and East Asia Summit. Today, India is emerging as an important actor in the East Asian geopolitics. It all started with the Look East Policy, initially focusing on Southeast Asia, which has now transcended its border expanding to the Asia Pacific geopolitical scene. In this context it is important to evaluate India's Southeast Asia policy since 1947. The question is when did independent India look East? Was it after the end of the World War II and the beginning of the Cold War or after the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the post-Cold War era? The scholars are unanimous that India's engagement with Southeast Asia, diplomatic, strategic and economic, started with the introduction of Look East Policy in 1990s which is now renamed as Act East Policy. But is it so? This book is an attempt to study the decades old Look East Policy, which is now renamed as Act East Policy, from this angle. This study is an attempt to evaluate the strategic aspect of the Look East Policy of India in retrospect, since 1947.

India's continuing failure to devise credible conventional military responses to Pakistan's asymmetric provocations has seriously eroded the credibility of its deterrence. This could invite a serious escalation of the jihadi sub-conventional assault on India. It is not possible to fight a purely defensive campaign against an asymmetric war and prevail. The adversary can simply vary the targets of attack ad infinitum. Costs have to be raised for the aggressor by taking the war to his territory with proactive military responses that preempt such attacks rather than defending every possible target or carrying out legal enquiries post-strike. There is an urgent need therefore, to fashion an Indian Doctrine for Limited War that is credible, usable and ensures escalation dominance. To that extent, this study addresses a vital and urgent need. It is based on an empirical study of the South Asian experience of Limited War and relies heavily upon insights from India's recent military-historical experience. It examines the evolution and rationales for Indian concepts of fighting a Limited Conventional War against a nuclear backdrop. It is based primarily on a current literature survey and a purely analytical and non-experimental approach. It relies on published and unpublished sources as well as interviews/interactions with the military leadership involved in the formulation of these concepts. It is an essential reading for academics, policy-makers, defence personnel and scholars of strategic studies in general.

This book is a comparative study of the military law systems of the five South Asian countries: Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. It also considers those aspects of international human rights laws and international humanitarian laws which are relevant to the activities of the armed forces, while they are deployed in the armed conflicts, in the peacekeeping missions or when they are in barracks. Using famous cases to illustrate legal points, this book examines minor punishments, describes step-by-step court martial process, and offers an overview of the constitutional and statutory rights available to armed forces personnel in South Asia. The author recommends that the armed forces personnel must not be subjected to cruel and degrading punishments under the military laws; and certain groups, for example women combatants must not be vulnerable to discrimination. It also critically examines special emergency laws under which armed forces are deployed in the internal security duties in South Asia. The author is of the view that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, including armed forces personnel, is not just a moral obligation. It is part of international human rights law, and the South Asian countries are obliged to respect and protect the rights of personnel serving in their armed forces. This is a timely study in South Asia, in the light of allegations of human rights violations against the armed forces personnel. It will have broad appeal for scholars in human rights, international humanitarian law, the military studies and anyone concerned with the policy studies in the armed forces.

Contributed articles presented at a seminar moderated by the Centre for Air Power Studies.

The first three chapters of the book examines the evolution of space for military use; the study of the legal framework governing the use of outer space that has enabled the militarisation of space; and the complexities of defining the fine line that separates militarisation and weaponisation of space. Chapter Four and Five provide an in-depth coverage on the military space capabilities of China and select Asian countries. Chapter Six highlights India's civilian space capabilities. It argues that notwithstanding the complex regional geo-political and geo-strategic environment, India has shown restraint in its space programme for military purposes. Chapter Seven examines the exploitation of 'near space' as a transformational medium that has the potential to change the war-fighting capabilities of nations. Chapter Eight illustrates the intricate relationship between missile defence and space. The concluding chapter draws out the likely scenarios in the future uses of outer space in the context of various political, technical and military challenges that may hamper India's march towards exploration and exploitation of outer space for its national development and security. The book will be of immense value to graduate students of Defence and Strategic Studies as well as serving officers in defence establishments.

'Defence Offsets: International Experience and Implications for India' is a book about India's defence offsets policy and an outline of international experience on implementing defence offsets. India's defence offsets policy is nascent. The country's defence expenditure has been growing considerably in recent years, and so is its defence capital acquisition budget that caters for the procurement of defence platforms and associated equipment. In the absence of sufficient indigenous capability to meet its defence requirements, the country is dependent on imports for a long time now. It has become one of the leading arms importing nations among the developing countries, with its burgeoning arms import bill having enormous scope for leveraging offsets. Self reliance in arms imports has been a long cherished aspiration of the country for several decades now, and offsets are expected to pave way for improving the self reliance quotient of the country significantly. The country offers huge opportunity for leading arms manufacturing companies of the world, from whom India imports its defence equipment, to undertake a variety of offset activities such as foreign direct investment in joint ventures involving India's public and private sector companies; subcontracting work in the country; and, investment in country's defence research and development efforts etc. The book highlights whether defence offsets indeed deliver intended results and difficulties associated with such assessment. The perspectives of the United States, the leading arms manufacturing and exporting country of the world, have been brought out in detail. Similarly the views of European Union, whose members are both major providers as well as beneficiaries of defence offsets, have also been brought out. Finally, a few suggestions have been made for improving India's defence offsets policy in the years to come. In sum, the book provides an overall view of defence offsets and relevance of international experience in this field for India's defence offsets policy.

Through the Cold War years, the US nuclear strategy and arms control policies demonstrated diminutive concern over China's nuclear capabilities primarily since it did not figure as a major factor in the US nuclear calculus which, in any case, remained centred on Soviet nuclear arsenals. However, the end of the Cold War witnessed China increasing its regional influence on the plank of rising Chinese economic and military power and growing diplomatic and political interchange abroad. From Washington's perspective, Beijing showed a darker side in its dealings in the realm of proliferation and technology transfer. Of greatest concern to Washington was the documented Chinese behaviour contributing to the spread of technology relating to the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) along with their means of delivery to states that were a cause of concern to Washington. This book analyses these issues in the backdrop of the changing trends in the American and Chinese conceptions of security in the post-Cold War age. Although China claims to abide by non-proliferation norms, riding on a campaign to garner a greater international image, its participation has been tarnished on many accounts when it has violated the terms and conditions of non-proliferation arrangements. While Washington was critically vocal regarding China's contribution to the nuclear and missile capabilities of nations such as North Korea and Iran, it was conspicuously soft on the similar issue vis-à-vis Pakistan and the nuclear black market web woven by disgraced Pakistani nuclear scientist AQ Khan. These developments compel us to ponder over whether a few countries can be trusted with WMD and their means of delivery, while others cannot, and this trust would ultimately depend on, and consequently shift, as American attitudes, interests and policies change-thus, setting the theme of the book.

Going by all estimates, this is going to be an Asia-centred century. Indeed, a shift of global power is under way from West to East. The rise of China and India, the recovery and resurgence of Russia on one side, and Japan, on the other, and the nature of the international order are leading to enormous changes. These transformational changes in the military, economic, social and political dynamics of Asia will only accelerate with the passage of time. Historically, changes in the international order and equations of power among nations have been almost inevitably accompanied by conflicts and wars. The challenge ahead, therefore, for the international community in general, and the Asian countries in particular, is to ensure that this is avoided, and competition, which is inevitable, is managed without escalating to the level of armed conflict. This is crucial for most countries, and especially so for India so that its pursuit of comprehensive national development can progress without adverse distractions. In order to work toward such goals, it is necessary to look at security and military-related issues as objectively as possible. It is with this objective in view that the Centre for Air Power Studies has been bringing out the Asian Defence Review. This volume, a resource base for both the professional and the general readers, is the eighth in the series under this title, which aims to fill a critical information and knowledge gap in current strategic literature dealing with military strategy, defence politics and trends in military capabilities that impact countries in Asia. In particular, it covers some of the important issues that affect the Asian countries, including those related to air power, outer space, Pakistan, China, cruise missiles and sea-based deterrence.

In Praise of Mahatma Gandhi The Congress and The Partition of India You have strung together authentic accounts and made an irrefutable presentation. I wish many people read it. I am sure it will help in removing many misunderstandings, at least in those who are willing to see. -Ravindra Varma, Chairman, Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi D. C. Jha lets incontestable documents tell the story. He should be commended for uniting several threads into a pattern of irony, tragedy and heroism that does justice to history. A valuable book. -Prof. Rajmohan Gandhi, Gandhi Marg, New Delhi

Since 2001, Afghanistan has provided New Delhi an opportunity to underline its role as a regional power. In the rapidly evolving geo-strategic scenario, India was forced to reconstitute and reassess its policies towards Afghanistan. India-Afghanistan Cooperation took a leap forward after the defeat of the Taliban and the installation of an Interim Authority. India's main focus has been to support the Afghan government and the political process in the country mandated under the Bonn Agreement of 2001. In the past decade, India pursued a policy of high-level engagement with Afghanistan through wide-ranging humanitarian, financial and infrastructural project assistance, as well as participation in international efforts aimed at political and economic rebuilding of Afghanistan. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in Afghanistan and the 2011 India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in the Indo-Afghanistan ties in maintained. One of the foremost aims of India's involvement in Afghanistan has been to assist in building indigenous Afghan capacity and institutions which encompasses all the sectors of development. This book, apart from examining the changing trajectory of India's policy towards Afghanistan, focuses on two particular areas of Indian intervention in Afghanistan namely Capacity Building and Education. It also evaluates its importance in strengthening the Delhi-Kabul ties. Identification of factors that are aiding or blockading the smooth functioning of these policies, have been the purpose of this academic pursuit. Attempts have been made to reach out to the Afghan beneficiaries in both India and Afghanistan, in order to understand their perspectives, requirements and disgruntlements. This research underscores that the purpose behind India's involvement in Afghanistan should not be defeated and thereby attempts to put forward certain steps and directions that can be adopted by Indian Government in order to achieve long-lasting dividends by smooth implementation of India's aid disbursement policy. As US led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces prepare to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interest in Afghanistan. This book apart from underlying ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan provides concrete recommendations that can enhance the effectiveness of ongoing Indo-Afghanistan cooperation.