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The Amer. Philosophical Soc. (APS) was formed in 1743 in Phila. Members contributed a wide variety of items to the APS, such as rocks, fossils, and plant specimens, which they acquired through their involvement in such activities as physics, astronomy, math, geography, med., chemistry, mechanics, agriculture, arts, trades and manufactures, and animal husbandry. This collection of items became known as the Cabinet of Curiosities (CoC). The APS Lib. and the CoC were kept in the homes of members, meeting rooms, and elsewhere. Contents of this book: Intro. to the CoC; The Role of the Curators; Native Amer. Artifacts; Botanical Specimens; Coins and Medals; Fossils; Manufactured Goods; Mineralogical Specimens; Oddities; and Zoological Specimens.

By 1750 Great Britain presided over an extensive Amer. empire of 24 separate colonies stretching from Barbados to Newfoundland. These colonies had played a crucial role in Britain's transformation into a wealthy & powerful state, & Britain endeavored to protect & extend its Amer. dominions during the Seven Years' War between 1754-1763. Yet at the same time the British gov't. undertook a series of measures that in rapid succession led to the alienation, military resistance, & loss of 13 of its most valuable & populous older mainland colonies. Why British leaders undertook those measures & persisted in them once the colonists had objected so vehemently during the Stamp Act crisis of 1765-66 & after are, arguably, the most important questions about the causes of the Amer. Revolution. The two book-length treatises in this vol. fully & systematically reveal the mentality, the objectives & considerations that underlay this behavior. They are both the work of James Abercromby (1707-1775), a barrister, former royal official & elected assemblyman in S. Carolina, then agent for N. Carolina & Virginia in London, & later M.P. for Clackmannshire, the family seat, in the Parliament of 1761-68.

An account of the life and circumstances of a little known Augustinian friar with an interesting career, Johannes Klenkok. Author Christopher Ocker attempts to reconstruct his biography more accurately than has been achieved up to now, but in so doing he considers as much as possible the organizations and habits that Klenkok shared with those among his contemporaries of a similar station in life, namely, mendicant friars. The sources led Ocker to pay particular attention to the character of education within the mendicant orders and to Klenkok's campaign against the "Sachsenspiegel," the first written code of traditional German laws.

This is a print on demand publication. From 1975-1978, the Rift Valley Research Mission in Ethiopia recovered the most diverse collection of elephantoids known from a single area, from the Middle Awash Valley in the southwestern Afar Depression. This report describes in detail the elephantoids from the middle Awash region, from the pre-Hadar Adu-Asa & Sagantole formations to the post-Hadar Matabaietu & Wehaietu formations. It also reports on the fossil elephants from the Hadar Formation itself & notes elephantoids collected from deposits north of Hadar & south of the Middle Awash (the Chorora region). Also, this study describes the relationships of the Awash "Anancus" to other "Anancus" in Africa, & to other late surviving "gomphotheres." Extensive illustrations.

The two "physico-mechanical" dissertations by the Swiss mathematician Johan Bernoulli, "On Effervescence and Fermentation" and "On the Movement of Muscles," published here for the first time in English translation by Paul Maquet, are treatises belonging to the 17th century European academic tradition. In both works the author employs the new mechanical philosophy of science. Contents of this volume: Introduction by Troels Kardel, M.D., including a short biography of Bernoulli; the translated texts of the two dissertations; references; and glossary. Illustrations.

This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication.

Spine title: Von Baer-Dohrn correspondence.

History, especially ancient history, gains reality when it can be related to modern geography. The interplay appears in instances cited throughout this study -- specifically of Mexican geographical identifications that help recover segments of the country's pre-Columbia past. This study's principal aim is to show how a particular identification augments the history that can be extracted from a related group of Mexican pictorial manuscripts, whose historical value, though well recognized, has as yet been little explored. These are the lienzos -- genealogical, historical & geographical documents painted on cloth -- of the Coixtlahuaca Valley in the northern region of the state of Oaxaca known as the Mixteca Alta. Illustrations.

Thousands of footprint impressions, probably of Norian age, have been discovered on a single bedding plane in a quarry in the Culpeper Basin of N. Virginia. About 830 tracks on this bedding surface, contained in 32 recognizable trackways, were studied in detail. The other tracks were too obscure for meaningful analysis. Herbivores greatly outnumber carnivores, & small herbivores are more abundant than large ones. The order of appearance of these trackmakers suggests that smaller & less agile species preferred soft ground, whereas larger carnivorous forms preferred a firmer substrate. From the measured print sizes, stride lengths, & pace angles, it was possible to estimate the hip height, body length, Froude numbers, & speed of each trackmaker. Illus.

This is a print on demand publication. The right to defend oneself & one's property came into conflict with medieval rulers' attempts to maintain public order. As the French monarchy asserted its claims to sovereignty, the concept of "lese-majeste," or treason, grew, but so did the belief that the king ruled by popular consent for the good of the kingdom. By the late 16th cent., heresy was being seen as a kind of treason, & religious arguments began to play a vital role in the new context of religious warfare. It was the convergence of these various elements during the 16th-cent. wars of Religion which resulted in the formulation of theories of resistance which asserted the right of the people to defend themselves against "bad" kings. This work explores the legal theories used to justify that development.

This vol., while encompassing the entire reign of Louis XIV & all the parlements of the realm, has the narrow focus of investigating the impact of royal policy on the judicial authority of the parlements as revealed in their relations with the king's councils, notably the one that specialized in judicial affairs, the Conseil Prive. This is above all a study of the evolution of conciliar jurisprudence & judicial procedure, as much an exercise in what the French call "l'histoire du droit" as an opportunity to observe in a novel way the resolution of some of the most pressing political problems in the Age of Louis XIV. But the overall aim is to understand the practical consequences of royal absolutism for the kingdom's highest judicial institutions.

This is a print on demand publication. Born in 1698, Della Valle came to Rome in 1725 upon the death of his master, Giovanni Foggini. There he remained until his death in 1768. The phrase "passive tranquillity" refers both to the style of Della Valle's sculpture & the ambiance of 18th-cent. Rome, &, further, serves to distinguish Della Valle from his better known precursors, Gianlorenzo Bernini & Michelangelo. Theirs was a sculpture of the heroic & expressive. Della Valle's sculpture represents figures of an introverted, serene type. In its demonstrations of the ways in which Della Valle's art could have been formed by the institutions & cultural currents of 18th-cent. Rome, the text seeks to account for that sense of quiescence & composure common to the arts of settecento Rome. Illustrations.

Several of the early versions of the Declaration of Independence (DoI), prepared or printed within two weeks of July 4, 1776, are preserved in the Amer. Philosophical Soc. (APS), in Phila. In 1976, the APS offered facsimile reproductions of several of its early versions of the DoI. For this publication, the APS selected: (1) Jefferson's Manuscript Copy: a handwritten copy of the document by Thomas Jefferson, with notations by Richard Henry Lee; (2) The First Official Printing by John Dunlap; (3) The First Newspaper Printing; and (4) A Unique Printing on Parchment by John Dunlap. Includes a Historical Intro. on the events leading to the DoI and Biblio. and Provenance, both by Whitfield J. Bell, Jr. This is a 1986 reprint of the original 1976 edition.

This is a print on demand edition of an important, hard-to-find publication.

Who was John Ogden (1824-1910), the first Superintendent -- later Principal and President -- of Fisk School, today's Fisk Univ.? Was he Dr. Ogden? A Methodist minister? An educator from Pennsylvania? An ex-Army Captain? A veteran of the Civil War from the second Wisconsin Cavalry regiment? A moral threat to female students? A despiser of blacks? A man not interested in church building? No; all these terms of address and descriptions are incorrect -- but they provide hints about where and how Ogden did spend his life, what interested him, and how he was the subject of inaccurate, scurrilous gossip, and the subject of inaccurate, respectful addresses. This volume presents a study of Ogden, in his role as one of the early participants in Southern Negro educ.

While Christian conservatives had been active in national politics for decades and had achieved a seat at the table by working with the Republican Party, the 1980s and 1990s saw them make significant strides by injecting issues of moral traditionalism into U.S. House races across the country. Christian conservative activists worked diligently to nominate friendly candidates and get them elected. These moral victories transformed the Republican House delegation into one that was much more culturally conservative and created a new Republican majority. In Moral Victories, Marty Cohen seeks to chronicle this significant political phenomenon and place it in both historical and theoretical contexts. This is a story not only of the growing importance of moral issues but also of the way party coalitions change, and how this particular change began with religiously motivated activists determined to ban abortion, thwart gay rights, and restore traditional morality to the country.Beginning in the early 1980s, and steadily building from that point, religious activists backed like-minded candidates. Traditional Republican candidates, more concerned about taxes and small government, resisted the newcomers and were often defeated. As a result, increasing numbers of House Republican nominees were against abortion and gay rights. Voters responded by placing moral issues above their interests in economic policies, which led to the election of ever more socially conservative representatives. As a result, the House Republican caucus evolved from a body that advocated largely for low taxes and small government to one equally invested in moral and social issues, especially abortion and gay rights. The new moralistic Republican candidates were able to win in districts where traditional business Republicans could not, thereby creating the foundation for a durable Republican majority in the House and reshaping the American political landscape.

Donald Trump shocked the nation in 2016 by winning the presidency through an ultraconservative, anti-immigrant platform, but, despite the electoral surprise, Trump's far-right views were not an aberration, nor even a recent phenomenon. In Far-Right Vanguard, John Huntington shows how, for almost a century, the far right has forced so-called "respectable" conservatives to grapple with their concerns, thereby intensifying right-wing thought and forecasting the trajectory of American politics. Ultraconservatives of the twentieth century were the vanguard of modern conservatism as it exists in the Republican Party of today. Far-Right Vanguard chronicles the history of the ultraconservative movement, its national network, its influence on Republican Party politics, and its centrality to America's rightward turn during the second half of the twentieth century. Often marginalized as outliers, the far right grew out of the same ideological seedbed that nourished mainstream conservatism. Ultraconservatives were true reactionaries, dissenters seeking to peel back the advance of the liberal state, hoping to turn one of the major parties, if not a third party, into a bastion of true conservatism. In the process, ultraconservatives left a deep imprint upon the cultural and philosophical bedrock of American politics. Far-right leaders built their movement through grassroots institutions, like the John Birch Society and Christian Crusade, each one a critical node in the ultraconservative network, a point of convergence for activists, politicians, and businessmen. This vibrant, interconnected web formed the movement's connective tissue and pushed far-right ideas into the political mainstream. Conspiracy theories, nativism, white supremacy, and radical libertarianism permeated far-right organizations, producing an uncompromising mindset and a hyper-partisanship that consumed conservatism and, eventually, the Republican Party. Ultimately, the far right's politics of dissent--against racial progress, federal power, and political moderation--laid the groundwork for the aggrieved, vitriolic conservatism of the twenty-first century.

In Religion in the Public Square, James M. Patterson considers religious leaders who popularized theology through media campaigns designed to persuade the public. Ven. Fulton J. Sheen, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and Rev. Jerry Falwell differed profoundly on issues of theology and politics, but they shared an approach to public ministry that aimed directly at changing how Americans understood the nature and purpose of their country. From the 1930s through the 1950s, Sheen was an early adopter of paperbacks, radio, and television to condemn totalitarian ideologies and to defend American Catholicism against Protestant accusations of divided loyalty. During the 1950s and 1960s, King staged demonstrations and boycotts that drew the mass media to him. The attention provided him the platform to preach Christian love as a political foundation in direct opposition to white supremacy. Falwell started his own church, which he developed into a mass media empire. He then leveraged it during the late 1970s through the 1980s to influence the Republican Party by exhorting his audience to not only ally with religious conservatives around issues of abortion and the traditional family but also to vote accordingly.Sheen, King, and Falwell were so successful in popularizing their theological ideas that they won prestigious awards, had access to presidents, and witnessed the results of their labors. However, Patterson argues that Falwell's efforts broke with the longstanding refusal of religious public figures to participate directly in partisan affairs and thereby catalyzed the process of politicizing religion that undermined the Judeo-Christian consensus that formed the foundation of American politics.

International scholars offer ethnographic analyses of the relations between transnationalism, law, and cultureThe recent surge of right-wing populism in Europe and the United States is widely perceived as evidence of ongoing challenges to the policies and institutions of globalization. But as editors Carol J. Greenhouse and Christina L. Davis observe in their introduction to Landscapes of Law, the appeal to national culture is not restricted to the ethno-nationalisms of the developing world outside of industrial democracies nor to insurgent groups within them. The essays they have collected in this volume reveal how claims of national culture emerge in the pursuit of transnationalism and, under some circumstances, become embedded within international law. The premise that there is inherent tension between nationalism and globalism is misleading. Whether asserted explicitly as state sovereignty or implicitly as cultural community, claims of national culture mediate how governments assert their interests and values when engaging with transnational law. Landscapes of Law demonstrates how nationalism operates in the contested zone between borderless capital and bordered states.Drawing from the fields of anthropology, international relations, law, political science, and sociology, the book's international contributors examine the ways in which claims of national differences are produced within transnational institutions. Insights from case studies across a wide range of topics reveal how such claims may be worked into policy prescriptions and legal arrangements or provide ad hoc bargaining chips. Together, they show that expressions of national culture outside of state boundaries consolidate claims of sovereignty. The contributors offer innovative frameworks for analyzing the relationships among transnationalism, law, and cultural claims at various levels and scales. They demonstrate how overlapping communities use law to define borders and shape relationships among actors rather than to generate a single social ordering.Landscapes of Law traces the theoretical implications generated by an understanding of transnational law that challenges the conventional separation of individual, community, society, national, and international spaces.Contributors: Katayoun Alidadi, Tugba Basaran, Rachel Brewster, Sandra Brunnegger, Christina L. Davis, Sara Dezalay, Marie-Claire Foblets, Henry Gao, Carol J. Greenhouse, David Leheny, Mark Fathi Massoud, Teresa Rodríguez-de-las-Heras Ballell, Gregory Shaffer, Mariana Valverde.

Why have Israelis and Palestinians failed to achieve a two-state solution to the conflict that has cost so much and lasted so long? In Paradigm Lost, Ian S. Lustick brings fifty years as an analyst of the Arab-Israeli dispute to bear on this question and offers a provocative explanation of why continued attempts to divide the land will have no more success than would negotiations to establish a one-state solution.Basing his argument on the decisiveness of unanticipated consequences, Lustick shows how the combination of Zionism's partially successful Iron Wall strategy for dealing with Arabs, an Israeli political culture saturated with what the author calls "Holocaustia," and the Israel lobby's dominant influence on American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict scuttled efforts to establish a Palestinian state alongside Israel. Yet, he demonstrates, it has also unintentionally set the stage for new struggles and "better problems" for both Israel and the Palestinians. Drawing on the history of scientific ideas that once seemed certain but were ultimately discarded, Lustick encourages shifting attention from two-state blueprints that provide no map for realistic action to the democratizing competition that arises when different subgroups, forced to be part of the same polity, redefine their interests and form new alliances to pursue them.Paradigm Lost argues that negotiations for a two-state solution between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River are doomed and counterproductive. Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs can enjoy the democracy they deserve but only after decades of struggle amid the unintended but powerful consequences of today's one-state reality.